trotsky history of the russian revolution summary

trotsky history of the russian revolution summary

Almost simultaneously, delegates from the soviet undertook the same project to tell potential protestors to stay away from the Bolshevik demonstration, but were surprised to find themselves unwelcome: “They had assumed the authority of the congress was inviolable, but had run into a stone wall of distrust and hostility…. Without Lenin the crisis, which the opportunist leadership was inevitably bound to produce, would have assumed an extraordinarily sharp and protracted character. And this highest determination never can, or will, remain unarmed. The Stalinist image of an infallible party always a step ahead of the class does not withstand an honest appraisal of the revolution. 2017 … Much of the content was written in the 1990's before being produced as a Lewisham Socialist Party pamphlet in 2007. The conflict within the party was brewing before Lenin arrived in Russia, but would not have been resolved in a decisive enough manner to take advantage of the moment. Not less, certainly—and the most active third besides. Here the chief political knot of the new regime is tied: one of its threads leads into the chamber of the Executive Committee of workers and soldiers, the other into the central headquarters of the bourgeois parties. The Mensheviks held that the most important alliance in the overthrow of the tsar was the liberal bourgeoisie, and that therefore the demands of the lower classes be curtailed to not frighten off these allies. THE STATE AND REVOLUTION by V.I Lenin - This Marxist classic on the state was written when Lenin was in hiding in Fin… Pressure on the soldiers began to break down discipline, first in small groups within units, then suddenly giving way to a flood of mutiny. Originally formed in the mass strike movement of 1905, the soviets (Russian for “council”) began as committees for organizing strike activity, but grew as the conflict developed into organs for self-governance and centers for armed struggle against tsarism. Trotsky's History of the Russian Revolution, Russian Revolution: 1917-2017 on Facebook, Martin Powell-Davies - Teacher, trade unionist, socialist, The History of the Russian Revolution - a Summary, 1) The Revolution and the Revolutionary Party, 3) Three concepts of the Russian Revolution. In confrontations through the day forty protestors were shot. Deutscher wrote of this aspect of the History: “He lets us feel that here and now men make their own history; and that they do it in accordance with the ‘laws of history,’ but also by acts of their consciousness and will. But the Bolsheviks had a fundamentally opposite view of the role of the working class and of the liberal bourgeoisie. The so-called leader and master of the Russian Empire had an outlook that “was not broader than that of a minor police official—with this difference, that the latter would have a better knowledge of reality and be less burdened with superstitions.” Most damning are the tsar’s diaries, which chronicle the most tedious banalities of his daily life while Russia convulses. Lenin’s new formulation came like a thunderclap in a chapel. The Duma was closed today. But the regiments of the Guard which on February 27 overthrew the … As Stalin sought to destroy any vestige of workers’ power within Russia, a campaign of lies and slander against Trotsky paralleled a rewriting of Bolshevik Party history and the inversion of Marxist theories of revolution to suit Russia’s foreign policy needs. He has such a edgy background and I doubt people would’ve really thought what a great impact he tried to make. His exile followed years of battling the rising Stalinist bureaucracy inside Russia, culminating in his expulsion from the Bolshevik Central Committee in 1927, removal to Alma Ata (Kazakhstan) in 1928, and final removal from the USSR in 1929. Every two months creates an epoch. A burst of strikes emptied the factories in support of the armed demonstrators. This blog, updated for the 100th anniversary in 2017, is a summary of the outstanding "History of the Russian Revolution" written by one of its leaders, Leon Trotsky. However, I hope it will allow readers who are unable to Now we shall see whom the majority is following, you or us.”. Leon Trotsky, writing his own history of the Russian Revolution in the late 1920s, described the role of Georgy Gapon: “The forms taken by the historic events of January 9th could not, of course, have been foreseen by anyone. This The historic preparation of a revolution brings about, in the pre-revolutionary period, a situation in which the class which is called to realize the new social system, although not yet master of the country, has actually concentrated in its hands a significant share of the state power, while the official apparatus of the government is still in the hands of the old lords. Leon Trotsky was a leading Marxist revolutionary of the first half of the 20th century. The coming tests of strength would become more violent, and the last illusions of the oppressed in the road of Compromise would be painfully chiseled away by hard experience. The third day the strike continued to deepen, and the army was called out as the Cossacks wavered and the hated police were chased out of the streets. For his role in the latter, he was arrested and exiled to Siberia. His parents were Jewish farmers. appreciate the ideas and experiences that he sought to explain. This is not to say that Trotsky deemphasizes the role of the Bolsheviks or their outstanding leaders. By early November, Trotsky had all but sacked the capital city. Stalin forcefully articulated the preexisting party line that the revolution must be bourgeois. But Tseretelli was not only right. The resolution was passed and the Military Revolutionary Committee (MRC, or Milrevcom) was formed. It is thus natural in the February fights the worker-Bolsheviks occupied the leading place. However, the motivation of the Mensheviks was not to deepen the initiative of the rebellious working class, but to bring the movement to heel under the establishment of a bourgeois democracy. Local sections passed resolutions criticizing the vacillation within their own party. But even this did not help: standing stock-still in perfect discipline, the Cossacks did not hinder the workers from ‘diving’ under their horses. THE HISTORY OF THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION by Leon Trotsky - This is the outstanding Marxist work on the Russian revolution. They were guided by a true national instinct, refracted through the consciousness of men oppressed, deceived, tortured, raised up by revolutionary hope and again thrown back in to the bloody mash. Read.” Later that summer when the tsar dissolved the Duma he spares only a few words on the crisis: “It has happened! take the time to study the whole of Trotsky’s book to nevertheless Leon Trotsky’s History of the Russian Revolution chronicles the revolutionary process of 1917, the challenges for the young working class, its “successive approximations,” as it forged a course through first overthrowing the ancient rotten monarchy of the tsar in February, then casting off the newborn, rotten bourgeois democracy of the Provisional Government in October. While the bourgeoisie and their allies in the moderate socialist parties were aware of the threat dual power presented for the establishment of capitalism, the working class and soldiers for the most part did not see the inherent contradiction. From being leader of the Red Army and hero of the civil war, Trotsky was vilified as the agent of counterrevolution within the international communist movement. He achieves in his image of the revolution the unity of the subjective and objective elements.1. While the economy straddled two contending modes, the political system was decidedly backward looking. In 1917, one of the greatest events in human history took place when, led by the Bolshevik Party, the workers and peasants of Russia carried through a victorious revolution. But not for long. Moreover, this thought was more scientific: not only because it was to a considerable degree fertilized with the methods of Marxism, but still more because it was ever nourishing itself on the living experience of the masses which were soon to take their place in the revolutionary arena. The soldiers turned more decisively to the left, as more proof piled up that the new regime was no different from the old. Even in those very first days of victory, when the new power of the revolution was forming itself with fabulous speed and unconquerable strength, those socialists who stood at the head of the soviet were already looking around with alarm to see if they could find a real “boss.” They took it for granted that the power ought to pass to the bourgeoisie. Michael Ratner interviewed by Anthony Arnove, The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte. The military mobilization consumed enormous resources, including up to 50 percent of food and fuel, which dragged the working population into poverty. And since the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries comprised infinitely larger ranks of the intelligentsia—who came pouring in from all sides—and thus got into their hands an immense staff of agitators, the elections, even in shops and factories, gave them an enormous majority. The offensive had not lead to peace but war. I hope it not only provides a useful summary of the. The massive History of the Russian Revolution was written in one year while Trotsky was in exile in Prinkipo, an island off the coast of Turkey. The first volume is dedicated to the political history of February Revolution and the second to that of October Revolution, with the intention of explaining the relations between these two events. Leon Trotsky, a leader of the Bolshevik revolution and early architect of the Soviet state, is deported by Soviet leader Joseph Stalin to Alma-Ata in remote Soviet Central Asia. The original language is Russian, but it was translated into English by Max Eastmanin 1932; in the English translation the second volume, originally consisting of tw… At the end of March, the Cadet minister of foreign affairs, Pavel Miliukov, publicized the Provisional Government’s aims of “liberating” Constantinople, Armenia, northern Persia, and parts of Turkey and Austria. When the State Duma reopened under the pressure of massive social instability he wrote: “April 14. The soviet immediately set about to address the most pressing issues of the country’s population: food and money. Went paddling in a canoe.”, In February of 1917, in response to a telegram from the president of the Duma on the collapse of the military, he wrote “Again that fat-bellied Rodzianko has written me a lot of nonsense, which I won’t even bother to answer.”, Trotsky argues that the apparently personal traits of the tsar—his detachment and blandness—were the personification of the obsolescence of the monarchy. Early in October, Trotsky introduced a resolution into the Bolshevik-controlled Petrograd Soviet that called for the formation of a military committee to prepare the “revolutionary defence of Petrograd”. But our hands tremble.” The masses, having not yet fully embraced the notion of overthrowing the Provisional Government in favor of soviet power, attempted to use “their” leaders to hold the Liberals’ feet to the fire. It held the loyalty of the armed forces and armed workers, and was seen by them as “our” government. But these same slogans were repeated again and again. The futility of the war was obvious; desertions and disobedience began early as soldiers lacked not only guns but also shoes. Menshevik Minister of the Interior Irakli Tseretelli demanded the disarming of the Bolsheviks, which was a thorny problem because they had no stores of arms, but the loyalty of sections of the army and armed workers. Horribly lagging behind technologically, Russia’s sole contribution was cannon fodder: “The one thing the Russian generals did with a flourish was drag human meat out of the country.”Fifteen million men were conscripted into the army, and five and a half million of them were killed, captured, or wounded in the three years of war. The violent revolution marked the end of the Romanov dynasty and centuries of Russian Imperial rule. In 1917, one of the greatest events in human history took place when, led by the Bolshevik Party, the workers and peasants of Russia carried through a victorious revolution. In Vladimir Lenin's government in the Russian Revolution, Leon Trotsky first played the role of Commissar for Foreign Affairs and then the leader of the Red Army. The Coalition Government, formed in May, immediately came under pressure from its allies in the Entente to initiate an offensive on the Eastern front. Decisive within the working-class vanguard were “workers who had thought over the experience of 1905, criticized the constitutional illusions of the liberals and Mensheviks, assimilated the perspectives of the revolution, mediated hundreds of times about the question of the army, watched attentively what was going on in their midst—workers capable of making revolutionary inferences from what they observed and communicating them to others.” (The Mensheviks Trotsky refers to, and to which we will return, were the moderate socialists who allied themselves with the liberals.) Leon Trotsky was a Russian Communist leader second only to Lenin during the 1917 Revolution and the Civil War. The working class leapt from conditions of peasant livelihood directly into the collective urban experience, which included “sharp changes of environment, ties, relations, and a sharp break with the past. With the onset of World War One, their partnership moved from economic to military. The intolerable situation was building to a head in the winter of 1917, leading to an acknowledgement among radicals that they were on the road to a dramatic explosion. The last four months of this “molecular process” will be the subject of the second half of this article. Trotsky writes: A backward country assimilates the material and intellectual conquests of the advanced countries…. During the Russian Revolution of 1917, he plotted a coup of the provisional government with Lenin and formed the Red Army, which defeated the anti-Bolshevik White Army in … But no historic class lifts itself from a subject position to a position of rulership suddenly in one night, even though a night of revolution…. Trotsky's first role in the new government was as the people's commissar for foreign affairs, which made Trotsky responsible for creating a peace treaty that would end Russia's participation in World War I. Lenin did tip the balance, and was uniquely positioned to do so given the years of common work he shared with the cadre of the party; but had the party not been in such a state of balance, his efforts would not have yielded such dramatic results. Of such men, even though they may be illiterate and crude, he is proud; and he wants us to be proud of them. While in the metal industry, especially in Petrograd, a layer of hereditary proletarians was crystallised out, having made a complete break with the country, in the Urals the prevailing type was half-proletarian, half-peasant. The Death Agony of the Monarchy 7. He argued the situation of dual power was not an “advantageous” arrangement as Stalin had put it in Pravda, it was an unstable balance that could only end in the smashing of the soviets or the Provisional Government. No single party could claim responsibility for the success of the February Revolution, and the lack of an acknowledged platform or visible leadership has lead to the characterization of the revolution as “spontaneous.” But Trotsky dissects the movement in the chapter “Who Led the February Revolution?” to illuminate the deeper influences that shaped the insurrection. Russia at the time was at war with Germany as part of an entente or three-country coalition that also included Great Britain and France. And they were right…. Otherwise the uprising will not succeed and the revolution will collapse.”. A prolongation of the war could give the Russian people nothing but new victims, humiliations, disasters—nothing but an increase of domestic and foreign slavery. But the offensive backfired and became the final blow against military discipline: A century of taunts and violence had burst to the surface like a volcano. The Compromise leadership of the Executive Committee swiftly attempted to bully the Bolsheviks out of their plans. At the end of August, Kornilov’s attempt at an overthrow beaten off by the masses. Trotsky credits the Bolsheviks for this influence, despite their organizational weaknesses in the beginning of the outbreak, and argues it was the process of struggle that turned those rudimentary ideas into a driving force for revolution. In theory, the Milrevcom and the Red Guards were formed to protect the Bolshevik movement and its leaders – but in reality, they were tools for an armed insurrection against the Provisional Government. Thus the initial stage of the revolution was characterized by the most militant, direct action tactics in battle against the tsar—including revolutionary organs of power, the soviets—and the political dominance of parties who opposed workers’ power and the key demands of land and peace, and who handed power over to the bourgeoisie. This blog contains a summary of Trotsky's History of the Russian Revolution. It was then made available on this blog. They now wrapped themselves in the red flag handed to them by the Compromisers. Leon Trotsky The History of the Russian Revolution VOLUME ONE The Overthrow of Tzarism ONLINE VERSION: Translated by Max Eastman, 1932 Library of Congress Catalog Card Number 8083994 ISBN 0913460834 Transcribed for the World Wide Web by John Gowland (Australia), Alphanos Pangas (Greece) and David Walters (United States) 1997 through 2000 He adopted Trotsky’s formulation from 1906 of permanent revolution—that the working class was compelled to lead the bourgeois revolution because of the vacuum left by the decayed bourgeoisie, but in doing so had begun to construct an alternative social order opposed to bourgeois rule. Trotsky defeated Kerensky, and the … Unlike the working class, which has the experience of partial struggles against their oppressors, military discipline with its penalty of death gives mutinies an explosive, all-or-nothing character, which cannot be solely instigated by words. The new communist government created the country of the Soviet Union. They could not now move forward at all without bumping into this wall erected by themselves, and knocking it over.”. Trotsky characterizes the coexistence of the Provisional Government (so called after March 1) as “dual power”—an unstable balance between two competing centers of class power. In the words of his comrade Ludmilla Stahl, in embracing the struggle for socialism “we are now doing what life itself suggests to us.” Lenin was not pulling theories out of the air; he made an objective assessment of the situation that included a working class whose self-activity had created a situation of dual power. Much of the content was written in the 1990's before being produced as a Lewisham Socialist Party pamphlet in 2007. The slogans made the most timid of demands, although in reality the Compromisers had no intention of fulfilling them: “Universal Peace,” “Immediate Convocation of a Constituent Assembly,” “Democratic Republic.” Tseretelli arrogantly called out the Bolsheviks in the soviet: “Now we shall have an open and honest review of the revolutionary forces…. Women again took the lead, approaching the soldiers and “more boldly than the men, take hold of their rifles, beseech, almost command: ‘Put down your bayonets—join us.’” Seeing the army begin to buckle as it gathered in the arms of its working-class sisters and brothers, the government struck back before dawn on February 26, arresting more than a hundred activists. All the parties were caught unawares; the Bolsheviks initially argued against the Women’s Day strikes. During the revolution, Trotsky oversaw Soviet military operations in Petrograd (now St. Petersburg), the capital of the Russian Empire. But they were just the ones who found the words which no orator could find. A Food Commission formed, a decision was made to occupy the state bank, the mint, and the treasury. The real history defies both the myth of the unity of Lenin and Stalin, and of a monolithic leadership of the Bolsheviks. The soldiers did not want war. It is just this fact—combined with the concentrated oppressions of tsarism—that made the Russian workers hospitable to the boldest conclusions of revolutionary thought—just as the backward industries were hospitable to the last word in capitalist organization.” Despite their numerically small proportion—about 10 percent of the population in 1917—the working class held an economic and social position that meant they could lead the peasant majority in overthrowing capitalism in Russia, but could only be successful as part of an international wave of revolts. In the words of a leader of the Socialist Revolutionaries: “The revolution caught us, the party people of those days, like the foolish virgins of the Bible, napping.” Much of the formal leadership of the left, including the Bolsheviks, was abroad, and the underground organizations had been severely damaged, if not totally shattered, in the right-wing surge that accompanied the opening of the war. The victorious movement dashed the hopes of the Liberal bourgeois parties to negotiate an easy transfer of power from the old tsar to a new tsar; instead they found themselves forced into governing by an insurrection they had feared all along. This episode has received much attention from both fawning Stalinists and right-wing critics who seek to paint Lenin as the iron hand driving the party. The Party now shifted to agitating for “All Power to the Soviets” and away from critical support for the Provisional Government. The weather was fine…. So long as we are in the minority we will carry on this work of criticism, in order to free the masses from deceit. different events that took place as the revolution developed but also explains the main processes and laws of revolution that The forcible overturn is usually accomplished in a brief time. They therefore brought the issue before the full Congress of Soviets, then meeting in Petrograd, which approved it. With the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries formally working in unity with the Liberals, “every soldier that expressed a little more boldly than the rest what they all were feeling was so persistently shouted at from above as a Bolshevik, that he was obliged in the long run to believe it.”, As the politicization of the armed forces progressed, the possibility of victory shrank: “When enlightened pacifists try to abolish war by rationalistic arguments they are merely ridiculous, but when the armed masses themselves bring weapons of reason into action against a war, that means the war is about over.”, While the army was seething and tearing itself apart at the front, Petrograd became the scene of a different type of confrontation as the competing parties measured the depth of their loyalty among the masses. The illusions that the Compromisers would deliver on the promises of February unwound in the weeks and months leading into the summer. The overthrow of the monarchy has gone into history as the February revolution; according to the Western calendar, however, it occurred in March. Lenin did not throw aside the old cadres—they were by and large moved by the pressure from below and sharp debate within the party. America, the new entrant to the carnage, offered $75,000,000 in credit to the Provisional Government if they would undertake a new offensive. Trotsky’s explanation captures the dynamism of the class struggle, which exists simultaneously in political and economic spheres, in elections and insurrection. This however, was not enough, Trotsky argues, to eradicate the revolutionary traditions and lessons carried by worker militants. All we can do is to explain patiently, insistently, systematically the error of their tactics. Written in 1930 on the island of Prinkipo in Turkey where Trotsky had been exiled by Stalin, it provides a complete account in three volumes of the revolution through all its stages and a profound Marxist analysis of these great events in which Trotsky played a leading role. The lockout not only made the workers favorable to the demand for the control of industry, but even pushed them toward the thought of the necessity of taking the factories into the hands of the state.”. The fundamental political process thus consists in the gradual comprehension by a class of the problems arising from the social crisis—the active ­orientation of the masses by a method of successive approximations.”—Introduction to Leon Trotsky, History of the Russian Revolution. Tzarist Russia in the War 3. The Bolsheviks needed to prepare for an overthrow of the Provisional Government in favor of “All Power to the Soviets,” to open the era of international revolution. But in their souls, their conversations tête-à-tête, they were horrified, they shuddered, they felt themselves captives in the hands of hostile elements traveling an unknown road.”. In reality the thought which was drilling through the thick of the working class was far bolder, more penetrating, more conscious, than those little ideas by which the educated classes live. The Bolsheviks won over the leadership of their peers most rapidly at the point of direct confrontation—the shop committees in the factories were solidly Bolshevik months before the party dominated the soviet. Process ” will be the subject of the soviet Russia at the first two months of 1917: a teaches... By Leon Trotsky was a man that was not cowed by this offensive: “ April 14 the contending in! Of its origin the bourgeoisie with the cover provided by the party was... More resolution slogans moved from economic to military in large numbers for parties that sought to undermine the traditions. 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